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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate a vast expanse of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a significant triumph by overrunning the city of al-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Feared and despised by his adversaries, Hemedti is revered by his supporters for his tenacity and his vow to overthrow the discredited state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Led by his uncle Juma, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Early Career

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to neighboring countries.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, neglected by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They soon became infamous for widespread atrocities.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, implicated in destroying the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, including 36 children.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

He briefly mutinied, requesting back-pay for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to many of his requests.

Later, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti led loyalist troops that defeated them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and took on a contract to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Recruits trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in gold.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and reportedly executed men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation began examining military-owned companies, the two generals dismissed the civilians and took control.

However, they disagreed. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround key bases in Khartoum. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and violence broke out city-wide.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit community.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds almost all populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of atrocities, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations perpetrated by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.